Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts
Showing posts with label politics. Show all posts

Sunday, August 25, 2024

The Gravity of the Sun





Divergence of the Sun (Solar Politics in Labour Practice), 2023-24 

Wood, metal, acrylic, oil 

130 x 110 x 29 cm

«Whispers and microhistories between the bastions»

Φρούριο του Νιόκαστρου, Ναβαρίνο

Curated by : Stella Christofi


with:
Stella Christofi, Maria Glyka, Antonis Kanellos, Konstantinos Lianos, Valia Papachristou, Hara Piperidou, Marios Stamatis, Kostis Stafylakis, The Callas, Dimitris Trikas, Marina Velisioti, Kostis Velonis, Evgenia Vereli, Vasilis Vlastaras, Poka Yio 


20/7-28/7/2024







#kostisvelonis #sun #φρούριο #fortress #Pylos #ΝιόκαστροΝαυαρίνου#NewCastleofPylos#politics#labour #sculpture #puppetry#solarpolitics

Monday, March 6, 2023

The Philosopher Who Believes in Living Things


Ι often watch the television show “Hoarders.” One of my favorite episodes features the pack rats Patty and Debra. Patty is a typical trash-and-filth hoarder: her bathroom contains horrors I’d rather not describe, and her story follows the show’s typical arc of reform and redemption. But Debra, who hoards clothes, home decorations, and tchotchkes, is more unusual. She doesn’t believe that she has a problem; in fact, she’s completely unimpressed by the producers’ efforts to fix her house. “It’s just not my color, white,” she says, walking through her newly de-hoarded rooms. “Everything that I really loved in my house is gone.” She is unrepentant, concluding, “This is horrible—I hate it!” Debra just loves to hoard, and people who want her to stop don’t get it.

I was never sure why Debra’s stubbornness fascinated me until I came across the work of Jane Bennett, a philosopher and political theorist at Johns Hopkins. A few years ago, while delivering a lecture, Bennett played clips from “Hoarders,” commenting on them in detail. She is sympathetic to people like Debra, partly because, like the hoarders themselves, she is focussed on the hoard. She has philosophical questions about it. Why are these objects so alluring? What are they “trying” to do? We tend to think of the show’s hoards as inert, attributing blame, influence, and the possibility of redemption to the human beings who create them. But what if the hoard, as Bennett asked in her lecture, has more agency than that? What if these piles of junk exert some power of their own?


This past fall, I met Bennett at a coffee shop near the Johns Hopkins campus. Sixty-five, with coiffed silver hair and cat’s-eye glasses, she sat at a table near the window reading the Zhuangzi, one of the two most important texts of Taoism, the Chinese school of thought that emphasizes living in harmony with the world. “The coffee isn’t very good here, but the people are nice,” she told me, conspiratorially. She took out her phone. “I have to show you a picture.” She turned the screen toward me, revealing a photo of two dead rats lying on the pavement—an image at odds with her kindly-neighbor looks. “I was walking by the university, and this is what I found,” she said. I leaned closer. The rats, who had drowned in a rainstorm, lay in artful counterpoint, as though posing for a still-life.

Dead rats are almost a theme in Bennett’s work. In her best-known book, “Vibrant Matter: A Political Ecology of Things,” from 2010, she lists some of the objects that she found on a June morning in front of Sam’s Bagels, on Cold Spring Lane, in Baltimore:

One large men’s black plastic work glove
One dense mat of oak pollen
One unblemished dead rat
One white plastic bottle cap
One smooth stick of wood

These objects affected her. “I was struck by what Stephen Jay Gould called the ‘excruciating complexity and intractability’ of nonhuman bodies,” Bennett writes. “But, in being struck, I realized that the capacity of these bodies was not restricted to a passive ‘intractability’ but also included the ability to make things happen, to produce effects.” Bennett likes to reference Walt Whitman, who once described people who are highly affected by the world around them as having “sensitive cuticles.” Bennett hopes to cultivate a sensitivity in her cuticles. That means paying a lot of attention to everything—especially to experiences that might otherwise go unnoticed, uninterrogated.

The idea that objects have agency might be familiar from childhood. When we’re small, we feel connected to a blanket that can’t be thrown away, or to a stuffed animal that’s become a friend. As adults, we may own a precious item of threadbare clothing that we refuse to replace—yet we wouldn’t think of that shirt as having agency in the world. It seems pretty obvious to us that objects aren’t actors with their own agendas. When Alvin, another Hoarder, says that “things speak out” to him, we know that he has a problem.

Bennett takes Alvin’s side. “The experience of being hailed by ‘inanimate’ matter—by objects beautiful or odd, by a refrain, by a piece of cake, or a buzz from your phone—is widespread,” she writes. “Everyone is in a complicated relationship with things.” In her view, we are often pushed around, one way or another, by the stuff we come into contact with on any given day. A piece of shiny plastic on the street pulls your eye toward it, turning your body in a different direction—which might make you trip over your own foot and then smash your head on the concrete, in a series of events that’s the very last thing you planned or intended. Who has “acted” in such a scenario? You have, of course. Human beings have agency. But, in her telling, the piece of plastic acted, too. It made something happen to you.

The idea that a piece of plastic has genuine agency places Bennett in an intellectual tradition that originated with the late French philosopher and sociologist Bruno Latour. “When we claim that there is, on one side, a natural world and, on the other, a human world, we are simply proposing to say, after the fact, that an arbitrary portion of the actors will be stripped of all action and that another portion, equally arbitrary, will be endowed with souls,” Latour wrote, in “Facing Gaia: Eight Lectures on the New Climate Regime.” Latour thought that we needed to stop arbitrarily restricting agency to the human sphere; by extending our sense of who and what may act, he argued, we might more easily acknowledge obvious facts about our world. “A force of nature is obviously just the opposite of an inert actor,” Latour wrote. “Every novelist and poet knows this as well as every expert in hydraulics or geomorphology. If the Mississippi possesses anything at all, it is agency–such a powerful agency that it imposes itself on the agency of both regular people and the Army Corps of Engineers.”

Stuff has agency. Inanimate matter is not inert. Everything is always doing something. According to Bennett, hoarders are highly attuned to these truths, which many of us ignore. Non-hoarders can disregard the inherent vibrancy of matter because we live in a modern world in which the categories of matter and life are kept separate. “The quarantines of matter and life encourage us to ignore the vitality of matter and the lively powers of material formations, such as the way omega-3 fatty acids can alter human moods or the way our trash is not ‘away’ in landfills but generating lively streams of chemicals and volatile winds as we speak,” she writes. Hoarders suffer at the hands of their hoards. But the rest of us do, too: that’s why a modern guru like Marie Kondo can become famous by helping us gain control over our material possessions. Bennett describes herself as something of a minimalist—but her minimalism is driven by a sense of the agency of things. “I don’t want to have such a clamor around,” she told me.

In a park called Druid Hill, we walked along a path through the woods. Bennett paused, then led us off the path, down a hill so steep that we had to grab at small branches and tree trunks to slow our descent. We stopped to consider an especially notable dead tree. I thought it looked a little wistful.

It’s stretching its hands out to the sky!” Bennett said, lifting her own arms up and laughing.

In Bennett’s most recent book, “Influx & Efflux,” she describes an encounter with an Ailanthus altissima, or tree of heaven—a fast-growing tree with oval leaves—on one of her walks around Baltimore. “I saw a tree whose every little branch expanded and swelled with sympathy for the sun,” she writes. “I was made distinctly aware of the presence of something kindred to me.” Ailanthus altissima is often considered an invasive species. Bennett’s musings have an ethical component: if a nuisance tree, or a dead tree, or a dead rat is my kin, then everything is kin—even a piece of trash. And I’m more likely to value things that are kindred to me, seeing them as notable and worthy in themselves. Most environmentally minded people are comfortable with this kind of thinking when it’s applied to the pretty part of nature. It’s strange to apply the concept of kinship to plastic gloves and bottle caps. Bennett aims to treat pretty much everything as potential kin.

Wearing bright-silver sneakers, she dropped her arms and headed off into the woods. I hastened to keep up with her. Soon, we stumbled upon something we found hard to precisely describe.

What is that?” Bennett asked, her voice rising.

It seemed to be a shock of almost luminescent bright-orange stuff growing right out of the ground. She bent down to touch it.

It’s plastic,” she said, at first disappointed but then intrigued. The individual orange bristles were sticking straight up, like vertical pine needles.

How’s it in?” Bennett asked. She turned to me. “Try to pull it out!” I leaned down, grabbed an orange handful, and yanked. It wouldn’t budge.

This is amazing,” she said. “This is almost like a trick someone’s playing on us.” She took out her phone to snap a photo, then nodded. “That’s an excellent find,” she said.

In “Vibrant Matter,” Bennett uses the phrase “thing power” to capture the lively and active qualities of objects. She describes the things that she came across near Sam’s Bagels on Cold Spring Road as “vibratory—at one moment disclosing themselves as dead stuff and at the next as live presence: junk, then claimant; inert matter, then live wire.” She argues that there’s a sense in which even metal is alive—it can crack in interesting ways, and “the line of travel of these cracks is not deterministic but expressive of an emergent causality, whereby grains respond on the spot and in real time to the idiosyncratic movements of their neighbors, and then to their neighbors’ response to their response, and so on, in feedback spirals.” Borrowing a phrase from the philosopher Mario Perniola, she concludes that there’s a “sex appeal of the inorganic”—“a shimmering, potentially violent vitality intrinsic to matter.”

Did I find the orange thing in the ground enticing? Not really—but it had done something to me. In 1917, the sociologist Max Weber argued that “the fate of our times is characterized by rationalization and intellectualization and, above all, by the disenchantment of the world.” Ever since, we’ve tended to think of ourselves as living in a disenchanted world, from which all magic has been stripped. Bennett asks us to entertain the possibility that “the world is not disenchanted”—“that is, not populated by dead matter.” Her response to the disenchantment of the world is to deny that it ever happened in the first place.

Bennett is a philosopher and political theorist. But her intellectual work is not primarily about creating new theories. In her writing, she expertly distills and juxtaposes the ideas of Gilles Deleuze, Immanuel Kant, Martha Nussbaum, and others, but her goal is often to create a mood. She wants readers to adopt and embody an ethos that makes room for the vitality of matter. In her view, it’s a useful attitude. “Without modes of enchantment, we might not have the energy or inspiration to enact ecological projects,” she writes. We might find it hard to “contest ugly and unjust modes of commercialization, or to respond generously to humans and nonhumans that challenge our settled identities.”

Could noticing an old Snickers wrapper in the park really help us save the world? There might, or might not, be an element of Bill and Ted’s Excellent Philosophy in the idea. Bennett conceded that her point of view could be criticized as being “bullshitty,” or “airy-fairy.” But she likes to “take perspectives that seem implausible and find the good intuitions embodied in them, and then go with it,” she said. “I don’t believe crystals have the power to do this or that, in any New Age way,” she continued. “But what’s the intuition that prompted it?” The intuition behind New Agey crystal enthusiasm involves a sense of the fascination crystals create in us. They have inserted themselves into human civilization in any number of ways—as dishware, ornamentation, and aids to worship, as writing instruments (graphite is a crystal), and as a primary material in microchips. The study of their unique structure has been important to various branches of scientific research. Dorothy Crowfoot Hodgkin, a crystallographer who won the Nobel Prize in Chemistry, in 1964, described herself as “captured for life by chemistry and by crystals.” Even in Hodgkin’s telling, the crystals did the capturing. Perhaps the New Age crystal enthusiast and the experimental scientist have something in common.

On a meta level, Bennett’s work suggests an attitude that we might take toward others’ attitudes. When I mentioned to her that her excitement about thing power might be thought of as stoner philosophy, she more or less agreed—but then went with it. “If you encounter somebody that is different from you, maybe, if you’re good at lingering for a moment or two in wonder at that person, you can postpone the moment of fear or rejection,” she told me. The subtitle to “Vibrant Matter”—“a political ecology of things”—hints at an interpersonal politics: in her view, politics should always include a sense of wonder, not just at marmosets, viruses, rivers, pieces of plastic, concrete, and dead rats but at other people.

Bennett and I left the park and found ourselves in a spooky area beneath an expressway. We decided to walk up a nearby hill, toward a hip neighborhood called Hampden. In front of an extraordinarily ugly apartment building, we ambled to a stop. Bennett was trying to show me something with great enthusiasm.

This is a famous Baltimore thing called formstone,” she said. “It’s like stone wallpaper.” This seemed right: the formstone, out of which the building’s façade was constructed, looked like a kitschy stucco version of a medieval stone wall. Bennett pointed to an otherwise unnoticeable flaw in the formstone.

What is it?” I asked.

It’s a crack with caulk in it,” Bennett answered, triumphant.

I wasn’t getting it right away. Later, she explained to me that the caulky crack was interesting to her because it showed that there are tendencies in the formstone itself to “guide and shape and nudge and call upon people even as they’re designing things.” A person put a bunch of caulk into the wall of a building, she said, but this person was “guided” by the specific, independently established shapes and contours of the formstone. Often, she went on, “you basically have to follow the form of the material.” Agency goes both ways.

It was hot, and I was tired. An hour before, I’d been entranced by a dead tree; now the houses and lawns and trash and lampposts and caulk cracks were starting to lose their vibrancy. I felt a strange sense of guilt. Was I letting Bennett down—letting the formstone down, too? “Even if, as I believe, the vitality of matter is real, it will be hard to discern it, and, once discerned, hard to keep focussed on,” Bennett writes. “I have come to see how radical a project it is to think vital materiality.” It’s not just that concentration can be wearisome. Bennett had shown me that picture of the dead rats for a reason: being genuinely open to and affected by everything around us means that there is no picking and choosing. It is everything or nothing—the good, the bad, and the ugly. This can be inspiring; it can also be overwhelming. Perhaps this explains why so many hoarders feel bewilderment and distress: they’re burdened and sometimes beaten down by their hoards. Human beings have a lot of difficult work to do if we’re to learn to recognize the inherent worth of all vibrant matter.

Bennett hopes for a positive outcome. During my time with her, I thought frequently about an old house in Detroit which my spouse and I have been rehabbing for many years now. It was built in 1917. It has its ways. We started our rehab project with many grand ideas about completely transforming the layout of the house. But because we’ve been doing the work ourselves and going slowly, the house has had the opportunity to get its two cents in. It doesn’t speak like a person, of course, but it communicates, day after day, season after season. The house has revealed to us how light travels around its surfaces and interiors in winter, spring, summer, and fall; some of the changes we were planning to make have come to seem wrongheaded with that further information. Other changes we hadn’t even considered suddenly became possible and exciting: its intermittently crumbling ceilings opened the possibility of increasing the height in some rooms.

Working on the house has started to feel like an ongoing dialogue. Rather than imposing our preconceived ideas onto a bunch of inert matter, we often find ourselves asking, What does the house want? People who visit sometimes remark on the special feel of the place. They’ll ask, How did you make this house so cozy? The answer, as Bennett has shown me, is not clear and definitive. We listened to the house, and the house listened to us. Enchantment happened. ♦

By Morgan Meis

https://www.newyorker.com/culture/annals-of-inquiry/the-philosopher-who-believes-in-living-things


Thursday, November 18, 2021

St. Frigo




Jimmie Durham (1940-2021), St. Frigo, 1996,Refrigerator, 132 x 60 x 60 cm. 

 

"I don’t really destroy things, I just change them, I change their shape, just like any sculptor does. I chose the refrigerator. I stoned it for a week, every day, until I got the shape really changed. I chose it because I wanted to throw stones at something as sculptural work, but I wanted an object that no one would care about. I thought that if I stoned a TV or an automobile, everyone would be glad and care in some way or another, and I thought that a refrigerator was completely neutral. It was, until I started stoning it and then it wasn’t neutral anymore. Then it started being brave, so that in the end I called it Saint Frigo, because it was a martyr. I saved its life by making it a martyr. It was going into the trash, now it’s eternal, now it’s art.”

 

#JimmieDurham #Sculpture #refrigerator #stoning #trash #martyr #monuments

 


 

Saturday, August 7, 2021

Manifesto Destiny


Writing that demands change now 

 


 

Zoe Leonard, I want a president, 1992, wheat-pasted paper. Installation view, High Line, New York, 2016. Timothy Schenck; Courtesy the High Line

 

MANIFESTO IS THE FORM THAT EATS AND REPEATS ITSELF. Always layered and paradoxical, it comes disguised as nakedness, directness, aggression. An artwork aspiring to be a speech act—like a threat, a promise, a joke, a spell, a dare. You can’t help but thrill to language that imagines it can get something done. You also can’t help noticing the similar demands and condemnations that ring out across the decades and the centuries—something will be swept away or conjured into being, and it must happen right this moment. While appearing to invent itself ex nihilo, the manifesto grabs whatever magpie trinkets it can find, including those that drew the eye in earlier manifestos. This is a form that asks readers to suspend their disbelief, and so like any piece of theater, it trades on its own vulnerability, invites our complicity, as if only the quality of our attention protects it from reality’s brutal puncture. A manifesto is a public declaration of intent, a laying out of the writer’s views (shared, it’s implied, by at least some vanguard “we”) on how things are and how they should be altered. Once the province of institutional authority, decrees from church or state, the manifesto later flowered as a mode of presumption and dissent. You assume the writer stands outside the halls of power (or else, occasionally, chooses to pose and speak from there). Today the US government, for example, does not issue manifestos, lest it sound both hectoring and weak. The manifesto is inherently quixotic—spoiling for a fight it’s unlikely to win, insisting on an outcome it lacks the authority to ensure.

Somewhere a manifesto is always being scrawled, but the ones that survive have usually proliferated at times of ferment and rebellion, like the pamphlets of the Diggers in seventeenth-century England, or the burst of exhortations that surrounded the French Revolution, including, most memorably, Mary Wollstonecraft’s 1792 A Vindication of the Rights of Woman. The manifesto is a creature of the Enlightenment: its logic depends on ideals of sovereign reason, social progress, a universal subject on whom equal rights should (must) be bestowed. Still unsurpassed as a model (for style, force, economy, ambition) is Marx and Engels’s 1848 Communist Manifesto, crammed with killer lines, which Marshall Berman called “the first great modernist work of art.” In its wake came the Futurists—“We wish to destroy museums, libraries, academies of any sort, and fight against moralism, feminism, and every kind of materialistic, self-serving cowardice”—and the great flood of manifestos by artists, activists, and other renegades in the decades after 1910, followed by another peak in the 1960s and ’70s.

After that point, fewer broke through the general noise, though those that have lasted cast a weird light back on what came before: Donna J. Haraway’s postmodern 1985 “A Cyborg Manifesto,” for instance, in refusing fantasies of wholeness, purity, full communication—“The feminist dream of a common language, like all dreams . . . of perfectly faithful naming of experience, is a totalizing and imperialist one”—presents the manifesto as a form that can speak from the corner of its mouth, that always says more and less than it appears to say, that teases and exaggerates, that usefully undermines itself. Haraway makes an explicit case for “serious play” and for irreconcilable contradictions, introducing her “effort to build an ironic political myth faithful to feminism, socialism, and materialism. . . . More faithful as blasphemy is faithful, than as reverent worship and identification.” By directly announcing its own tricksiness (an extra contradiction in itself), “A Cyborg Manifesto” seems both to critique its predecessors and to hint that even the most overweening of them were never quite designed to be read straight.

And it’s true that a manifesto’s swagger, its impression of speed and fury, might lead its readers astray, allowing them to imagine a far simpler communication than is offered. Often the most basic premises of the text remain murky. There is a tension, in Marx and many of those who followed, between change that must be willed or seized, and that which is already in process and historically inevitable. Then there is the question of who is being addressed—an enemy establishment, an untapped army of comrades? And whose views or intentions are actually being represented? In his notes to my undergrad Penguin Classics edition of TheCommunist Manifesto, the British historian A. J. P. Taylor tactfully notes that “the Communist League was itself the creation, more or less imaginary, of Marx and Engels” (the specter, in other words, had in fact not gotten round to haunting much just yet). Likewise, Valerie Solanas’s rollicking Swiftian SCUM Manifesto (1967) invents a lethal cadre of “secure, freewheeling, independent, groovy female females” in her own image. Though sometimes accused of gender essentialism (“the male is an incomplete female,” Solanas writes, “a walking abortion, aborted at the gene stage”), SCUM Manifesto envisions a world beyond binaries, in which boring, passive panderers of whatever sex are gone—and with them their pesky distractions, such as war, disease, marriage, religion, government, bullshit jobs, the money system, “Great Art,” politeness, etc.—leaving only “kookie, funky” revelers, which might be to say, only an array of mutually admiring Solanases. Biological femaleness explicitly doesn’t guarantee you membership in this groovier set, and so the reader feels encouraged to self-identify. If Solanas didn’t commit so seriously to what she’s saying, and deliver it with such palpable relish, SCUM Manifesto wouldn’t be as funny as it is. The destabilizing tone feels like a test of textual orientation: anyone willing to enjoy the joke is in; a reader who’s offended, confused, or scared might have good reason to be. (Or, if you look around and can’t tell who the sucker is, it’s you.)

Manifestos, explicitly or otherwise, always attempt to teach you how to read them. Virginia Woolf’s 1938 Three Guineas was an urgent feminist pacifist manifesto that in its circuitous imagery and form—its profusion of footnotes to sources then considered too frivolous or unauthorized for history, its delicate linguistic connections and repetitions—upset the expected boundaries of private and public life, traced the relationships between patriarchy, capital, colonialism, and war, and dragged the reader along, half-tricked into absorbing arguments and picking sides. Manifestos espouse violent metaphors and large abstractions that dare you not to take them literally: “All that is solid melts into air”; “A lesbian is the rage of all women condensed to the point of explosion,” The Woman Identified Woman (1970); “We’re not waiting for the rapture we are the apocalypse” Dyke Manifesto (1992); “If SCUM ever strikes, it will be in the dark with a six-inch blade.” Many contain an apt slippage between art and politics. June Jordan, in a 1973 essay called “Young People: Victims of Realism in Books and in Life,” links limitations of genre to the standard politician’s cop-out that transformative policy is “not realistic”: in a section titled “My Manifesto,” she pledges to “attempt, in all of my written work, to devise reasonable alternatives to this reality. . . . We are the ones who owe our children something else, right now.” If a manifesto has one job, it is, perhaps, to expand what may be imagined.

For obvious reasons, many manifestos have been more vivid and specific in condemning what is than in detailing the future they intend. As Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor puts it: “We have no idea what it would be like to live in a society free of exploitation and how that would change people.” In recent years, though, post-social-media, when the fantasy of a coherent public sphere to speak into has weakened and fragmented, there’s also been a renewed obligation to make clear precisely what isn’t being said. You may fear languishing unread but you are nonetheless always at risk of being overheard. Laboria Cuboniks’s “Xenofeminism: A Politics for Alienation” (2015) proactively defends itself against so many pitfalls and misreadings (“This non-absolute, generic universality must guard against the facile tendency of conflation with bloated, unmarked particulars”; “Open, however, does not mean undirected”) that it risks losing some of the carefree brazenness of predecessors who invited attack or misinterpretation left and right. In other cases, writers take advantage of the palimpsest of possible readings that await them. The “Letter on Justice and Open Debate” published in Harper’s Magazine in 2020, which argued against a climate of “ideological conformity,” was pitched to be either over- or under-read. To some readers it was a straightforward, even anodyne reassertion of the importance of free speech. To others, it was a strike back against those who’d expressed alarm at the reactionary ideas espoused by some of its signatories (who were accustomed to publishing their views without facing such loud, vehement public disagreement). In an intriguing reversal of the manifesto’s foundational irony, rather than outsiders usurping the tone of authority, many of those signatories were establishment figures sounding the plea of a persecuted minority.

More : https://www.bookforum.com/print/2802/writing-that-demands-change-now-24497

 Text by Lidija Haas 

 

Friday, January 8, 2021

The Politics of Materials : Transparency and Intimacy

What are the limits of design in addressing political challenges? We might first want to ask: which politics? The ‘small p’ politics of everyday, negotiated, shared space suggested by the Greek root of the word (politika – affairs of the city; or politikos – relating to citizens)? This scale of quotidian interpersonal politics in the public realm concerns fundamentally material issues such as the right to presence and visibility in and practical agency over urban space. But what about the ‘big P’ Politics [1] of parties, legislation, and bureaucracy, that is less immediately material? Evidently there is no clear line between the two, and so I would like to start by looking at a failure in design for Politics to open up questions for a more material and aesthetic discussion of design for politics. 

In 1999 Foster and Partners completed a renovation of the Reichstag in Berlin, including a glass cupola over the chamber, “allowing people to ascend symbolically above the heads of their representatives”. [2] This is just the most recent in a series of post-war German parliament buildings constructed around what Deborah Barnstone calls an “ideology of transparency”, posited by futurist design thinkers and almost entirely uncritically taken hold of in both architecture and politics as the material embodiment of the ideal of accountable, accessible government.[3] However, rather than creating a system for transparent democracy, this design takes the most literal meaning of the word ‘transparent’ and looks for its material equivalent in glass. It conflates a material fact – the ability for glass to convey a complete image – with a way of doing things. If transparency in politics has meaning only as far as being able to see what politicians are doing, then within the scope of its setting the glass dome succeeds. If, as we would hope, it is supposed to be a tool for holding the political system accountable through involvement, it fails. The kind of transparency it creates is the same as that set up in the theatre between stage and audience: information and affect passes in one direction; the public is a set of eyes rather than a set of interlocutors. Because we inherited a word for information passing through material to approximate the way information passes between political actors and the public, the representation of democracy in glass has been able, at times, to supersede the process of democracy itself.

The Campo de Cebada in Madrid has become one of the best known spaces for bottom-up democracy. Following a series of assemblies debating the future of the vacant, city-owned public site, lightweight shelters and bleachers were constructed from recycled wood allowing it to be used for peer-to-peer education, performance, and local democracy. Built on the basis of necessity for and by its users, it appears on the surface to be the epitome of material functionalism. Why, then, is its aesthetic so instantly recognizable? Why have ply and wooden boarding come to be so expressive of (small-p) political? There are obvious pragmatic reasons: they are cheap and durable. But there are also ways of doing things encoded in these materials. Could ergonomic properties of materials could become political? Take weight: how many humans and/or non-humans does it take to lift a plate of glass versus a plank of wood? Ply and scaffold can be manipulated by non-specialists, giving us a ‘DIY’ ethic/aesthetic/politic. Even at this most seemingly pragmatic a relationship with materials there is a conflation of language that blurs the functional and symbolic. Grass-roots or DIY political organization literally uses the same tools and materials as home improvements, borrowing a material way of doing things and inheriting with it a symbolic aesthetic of the intimacy of the domestic interior. 

Wood is intimate. It is for building a hut, not a parliament. It belongs to the world of communality and physical affect, which Hannah Arendt distinguishes clearly from the world of the Political.4 But wood also contains things within it and traps them: it does not transmit information. It holds affect at the scale of the intimate and the immediate. Glass is implicated in the technologies of mass media. It allows mediated affect to pass through it whilst keeping bodies apart. Just as the Reichstag fails in doing Political transparency because of its literally symbolic interpretation, it succeeds in doing other things like the communication of power outwards from a centre. Just because its symbolism does not equal its function, does not mean we should not pay attention to its functionality. Inversely with wood at the Campo de Cebada: it is highly effective in doing DIY politics, economically and ergonomically, but in doing so symbolizes a communality and an immediacy that puts it in aesthetic opposition to Politics. This may well be the aim, but then how does it scale up, expand, and grow as a movement whilst holding on to the material symbols it has created for itself? Does wood symbolically trap the political in the realm of the intimate, shared between initiates to that realm, and exclude a wider public?

Text by John Bingham-Hall

NOTES

[1] Capitalisation observed to distinguish throughout
[2] http://www.fosterandpartners.com/projects/ reichstag-new-german-parliament/
[3] Deborah Ascher Barnstone, The Transparent State: Architecture and Politics in Postwar Germany(Routledge, 2004).
[iv] Hannah Arendt, “The Public Realm: The Common,” in The Public Face of Architecture, ed. Mark Lilla and Nathan Glazer (London & New York: The Free Press, 1987), 4–12.

 Originally published in Designing Politics: The Limits of Design. Theatrum Mundi - LSE Cities - Fondation Maison des sciences de l'homme. 2016


https://www.readingdesign.org/politics-of-materials




Sunday, December 1, 2019

𝙖.𝙊.-𝙗.𝙘.(after Olympics - before crisis)



Kostis Velonis, Athens Community in the Kibbutz 
Hard paper, marble, ceramic, wood, acrylic, brick, 2010

Fifteen years after the end of the 28th Olympic Games in Athens, Greece has not recovered from the crisis. Traveling back to 2004-2010, a re-visiting through the spectrum of culture reveals a lot about the climate then and now. In September 2004, just after the successful hosting of the Olympics, Greece was slowly embarking on a economic downturn, invisible to the majority of the population. It led on April 23rd 2010, to then Prime Minister George Papandreou to announce that Greece was entering the International Monetary Fund (IMF) support mechanism; the beginning to an endless path of austerity.

This exhibition sheds light on a five-year period of rich audio and visual cultural production in the interval between those two events: the end of the Olympics, and the entry into the IMF mechanism. The prevailing global narrative on Greece at the end of the Olympics was a positive one: the cradle of European thinking, the mother of Western culture, succeeded in organising a highly celebrated aesthetically pleasing event that was viewed by millions all over the world. In just five years Greece would have a completely different profile on the front pages of international press, as a bankrupt country, not civilised enough, in a collapsed financial state due to corruption and over-spending of European grants; a country that over-borrowed but was begging for more money. A country that wanted to deceive the economically stable Northern Europe, with Greeks portrayed as "lazy".

This exhibition attempts to trace the footprints of this change over the past five years through examples of cultural production of the period, and to contour what kind of climate was prevailing in Athens by the end of the Olympics, and how it shifted but also to look for possible examples of utopian or dystopian representations for a future for Athens and Greece through the narrative of artists, filmmakers, musicians and designers. 

a.O. - b.c. zooms in specifically on the question of art and its relationship to the fetishistic narrative (both foreign and of the Greek society) of contemporary Greece as a continuation of its ancient heritage as well as its reflection on the concept of “Greekness”, and furthermore aims to unearth the articulation of a glossary that contoured the cultural production of the period. The exhibition aims to highlight the efforts traced in cultural production that formed the basis but also the introduction, to the current international interest in Athens in its post-documenta era.

From artistic collectives, curatorial initiatives and independent movements of filmmakers, to music groups with a newfound political discourse and experimentations through new media, cultural production in Athens between 2004-2010 was a nucleus for the redefinition of national identity, sociopolitical concerns, investigations and positioning but also a ground for a new discourse that described local cultural production in new terms in relation to its past but also the global international scene.

The exhibition serves as a sample presentation of a small section of many examples of initiatives and actions presented at that time, through the memories of State of Concept's team (Vicky Zioga, Electra Karatza, Maria Adela Konomi, Lydia Markaki and iLiana Fokianaki). 


With: 

Loukia Alavanou, Nadja Argyropoulou, Barking Dogs United (Nikos Arvanitis and Naomi Tereza Salmon), Bill Balaskas, Manolis Baboussis, Athens Biennial, Margarita Bofiliou, Mary and the Boy, Amateur Boyz, Voltnoi Brege, Berlin Brides, Kostas Christopoulos, Lydia Dambassina, Dora Economou, DESTE Foundation, Anastasia Douka, Drog A Tek, Erasers, Futura editions, Farida el Gazzar, Eva Giannakopoulou, Marina Gioti, Kyriaki Goni, Yota Ioannidou, Lakis & Akis Ionas / The Callas, Dionysis Kavallieratos, Eleni Kamma, Vlassis Kaniaris, Nikos Kanarelis, Irini Karayannopoulou, Elpida Karaba, Vasilis Karouk, Panos Kokkinias, Panos Koutras, Yorgos Lanthimos, Panayotis Loukas, Greece is for Lovers, Vardis Marinakis, Yolanda Markopoulou, Christoforos Marinos, Dimitris Merantzas, Margarita Myrogianni, Nikos Navridis, Nikos Nikolaidis, Orthologistes, Malvina Panagiotidi, Rallou Panagiotou, Maria Papadimitriou, Ilias Papailiakis, Leda Papakonstantinou, Eftyhis Patsourakis, Tassos Pavlopoulos, Natassa Poulantza, Theo Prodromidis, Kostas Roussakis, Nana Sachini, Kostas Sahpazis, Yorgos Sapountzis, Cristos Sarris, Fani Sofologi, Stixoima, Danae Stratou, Stefania Strouza, Thanasis Totsikas, Sofia Touboura, Nikos Tranos, Alexandros Tzannis, Syllas Tzoumerkas, Panos Tsagaris, Athina Rachel Tsangari, Jannis Varelas, Kostis Velonis, Vangelis Vlahos, Eirini Vourloumis, Tassos Vrettos, Poka-Yio, Despoina Zefkili, Mary Zygouri.

Athens School of Fine Arts (ASFA)
 State of Concept
12 Dec-15 Jan



Sunday, November 10, 2019

Σπασμένες πτέρνες και Οβελίσκοι / Broken Heels and Obelisks

Σπασμένες  πτέρνες και οβελίσκοι   / Broken Heels  and Obelisks 


Martin Luther King, I have a dream Speech, delivered 28 August 1963, at the Lincoln Memorial, Washington D.C



Polcari, Stephen,  Barnett Newman's Broken Obelisk, Art Journal, Vol. 53, No. 4, Sculpture in Postwar Europe and America, 1945-59 , Winter, 1994, pp. 48-55
Krauss, Rosalind, Sculpture in the Expanded FieldOctober, Vol. 8, Spring, 1979, pp. 30-44
Jonathan Jones, Newman's Broken Obelisk: the end of a political dream, Guardian 22 oct. 2008 

 Hess Thomas B., Barnett Newman, NYC: Museum of Modern Art, 1971

 VernantJean Pierre, Ο «καλός θάνατος» του Αχιλλέα,  Ανάμεσα στον μύθο και την πολιτική, μτφρ. Γιόση Ι Μαιρη, Αθήνα : Σμίλη, 2003

 VernantJean Pierre, Περί ορίων: Ανάμεσα στον μύθο και την πολιτική ΙΙ,   μτφρ. Γιόση Ι, Μαιρη, Αθήνα : Σμίλη, 2008

EcoUmberto, Η ομορφιά της λίστας,  μτφρ. Δότση Δήμητρα, Αθήνα: Καστανιωτης, 2010

Όμηρος, Ιλιας, ραψωδίες Α-Ω, μτφρ. Μαρωνίτης,  Δημήτρης , Αθήνα: Αγρα, 2012 

Barnett NewmanBroken Obelisk 

Barnett Newman, Achilles 

Brancusi, Endless Column
https://www.sculpture.org/documents/scmag02/janfeb02/column/column.shtml